I. Introduction

Who is this man Septimius Severus? Historian Anthony Birley said he must "remain an enigma."(1) Like Augustus before him and Constantine after him, we are permitted to know the events that took place along side of him in time--but, maddeningly, the essence of the man is a mystery. What did he think? How did he see himself? When one reads the historical record(2) in the hopes of finding out, there are glimpses of his character, but they are slippery and ephemeral.(3) So what can one do?
One answer might very well be to do without. One could argue,(and perhaps correctly) that it may be absolutely impossible to create any sort of methodology which will produce answers of value, and therefore one should consider the problem insoluble: it will never be possible to know the character of Septimius Severus, Emperor of Rome (unless perhaps the Emperor's autobiography, supposedly written after the campaign with Albinus(4), but unfortunately lost, is finally discovered.)(5)
But one could also ask, do the combination of ancient written scholarship, archaeological evidence, and inscriptions give one--if not exact answers-- guideposts for "the question of character?" Furthermore, if one examines the typology of the coinage do the coin types chosen in Septimius' reign support or add any light to the picture of his character that begins to emerge? That is the question this paper will examine. As C.H.V. Sutherland wrote:

"Granted our independent historical knowledge of a particular reign,how much can be learned additionally about that reign, and especially about it's attitude to public relations and the general spread of information, by the way in which the coin-types was handled?"(6)

..in the spirit of which, for my purposes, I would ask: "how much additionally can be learned about the character of the Emperor Septimius Severus by the way in which his coin-types was handled?"

II. The Authority Behind the Coinage

Before discussing whether or not the historical record and coin typology can tell us anything of substance about Septimius' character, a word must be said about the imperial mint and under whose authority coins were struck, since an understanding of this question is vital to the argument of this paper.
There are generally two views on this issue. One position states that the coinage was simply used as an economic device, with no plan of "message giving" or "propaganda", types being selected by low level minting officials without a long range plan.(7) The opposite camp posits that the coin types were selected by the highest authority--the emperor--as a way of getting a position, or message across.(8)
I believe that the truth probably lies in a combination of the two. Certainly there is precedence for imperial involvement with the selection of coin types. As Sutherland argues in regards to the Julio-Claudian coinage, "the choice of types, indeed was obviously a matter of imperial policy."(9) The themes of the coinage were either directed by the emperor--or were initiated by government officials in accordance with known imperial wishes. In other words--the imperial theme was interpreted by the officials in charge of the mint. Sometimes-- one could surmise-- the emperor himself would directly instruct the mint to strike specific coin types. Sutherland argues that an understanding of the significance in the choice of coin types requires a knowledge of what types were used before or after the reign in question. In an examination of the types used for each imperial house, an understanding of the public image that the house wished to convey becomes clear by understanding which coin types are unique to that reign in combination with the manner in which more traditional or systemized types are timed and used.
In the case of Septimius, both previously used and unique types are struck. I believe that evidence supports the notion that in some cases these previously used types were once again employed, under his direction, for specific message giving purposes. At other times, they were merely economic tools--means by which the government quickly paid an army that was being controlled by cash.
I will also argue that the new coin types used directly support his policies, which indicates to me that his mints were following specified imperial wishes.

According to Birley, when Septimius first entered Rome in 193, he made many new governmental appointments.(10) Although there is no direct evidence to show that he replaced the Secretary of Finances-- the a rationabus -- at this time, there is no reason to believe that he would not place someone in this important position immediately. Thus, the mint would be in a position to properly construe the wishes of the new Emperor.

There are numerous references to Septimius' superstitious nature in the ancient sources. One of the more interesting is the account in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae (HA) of the manner in which Septimius selected Julia Domna as his bride. It is written that when he wanted to

"take another wife, he made inquiries about the horoscope of marriageable women, being himself no mean astrologer; and when he learned that there was a woman in Syria whose horoscope predicted that she would wed a king (I mean Julia, of course) he sought her for his wife..."11

Dio tells us that Septimius held court under a ceiling painted with the stars of his horoscope.(12) And when Caracalla framed Plautianus (Septimius' kinsman and right hand man) with the fiction that he (Plautianus) planned to murder them both, Septimius accepted this information because "he had dreamed the night before that Albinus was alive and plotting against him."(13) On his visit to Egypt, Septimius took great interest in the secrets of the mystery cults there, as Dio says,

"..he took away from practically all the sanctuaries all the books that he could find containing any secret lore, and he locked up the tomb of Alexander; this was in order that no one in the future should either view Alexander's body or read what was written in the above mentioned books."(14)

I believe there is also evidence provided by the coin types to support the position that Septimius was superstitious. In my paper,Septimius Severus: Superstitious Emperor? I argue that during the Civil War with Niger Septimius copied certain types of Niger's--particularly IOVI PRAE ORBIS (Jupiter the Governor of the World) and BONAE SPEI( Good Hope) out of superstition: if Niger were invoking the personification of Hope and the divine support of the god Jupiter for his cause, Septimius would not tempt fate by failing to plea for the rightness of his own cause. Like General George Patton calling in the Chaplain to pray to God for good weather, Septimius would pull out all the stops to insure victory.(15)(16) The HA also says that Septimius wished the title "Pertinax" could "be withdrawn" because of "an omen" (presumably that he would be murdered as Pertinax had.)(17) Birley argues that Septimius kept Pertinax' name all his life, indeed even emphasized it by inserting "Pius" between "Severus" and "Pertinax". He maintains the title was squeezed (from the coin legends) merely because of space.(18)
But after A.D. 198 the title "Pertinax" (abbreviated to PERT) was dropped on the coinage and it never appeared again. The argument that it was squeezed out because of space fails when one considers the full generous flans on which were struck the obverse legends SEVERVS PIVS AVG and SEVERVS PIVS AVGVSTVS, could have easily accommodated the legend SEVERVS PIVS PERT AVG if the imperial will so desired. In fact far lengthier legends were used on Severan coins, e.g., for Caracalla, M. AVREL. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG. GERM. MAX and for Septimius SEVERVS PIVS AVG. P. M. TR. P. VIIII and in the east, IMP. CAE. L. SEP. SEV. PERT AVG COS II.(19)

B:Hypothesis: "Septimius Severus was a careful, politically astute man."

It was twelve full days after the murder of Pertinax before Septimius declared on April 9, A. D. 193 at Carnuntum. Birley argues that he could have received word by April first, but taken the time to ensure his sons were safe and to check his support from the legions and provinces before declaring;(20) not the actions of a reckless man. Upon reaching Rome, one of his first official acts as Emperor was presiding over a spectacular funeral of Pertinax (Dio gives an eyewitness and detailed account(21)), commemorated on a very rare gold coin with the legend DIVVS PERT. PIVS PATER. It does not take too much of an imagination to see a subtle resemblance between the coin portraits of Pertinax and his self-designated avenger. All of this was certainly good politics, strengthening Septimius' claim that he would be carrying on the policies of Pertinax.
Perhaps the most spectacular example of the politically astute Septimius was his massive legionary issues. These coins, with his portrait on the obverse and the legionary eagle between two standards(RIC 1-17) show that he knew on whose back he had been carried into Rome; indeed the individual names of all but one of the legions that had supported him (22)are on these coins, struck mostly in silver denarii. Not surprisingly, the legion that had declared him emperor, Legio XIV Gemina is best represented, with coins struck in gold and silver(RIC14) and bronze(RIC 652), the only legion to be so honored. Clearly Septimius was making a point.(23) His careful nature is also revealed when--after his defeat of Albinus and his first victory against the Parthians-- the senate voted Septimius a triumph and he declined, not wanting it to look like he was celebrating a civil war. And indeed, although there are coin types with Mars the god of war that are clear allusions to the conflict with Niger and Albinus, Mars is portrayed in the manner of MARTI PACIFERO(24) "Mars, the peacemaker,"(25) and MARTI PACATOR(26), Mars carrying the olive branch of peace. Clearly, the Severan position on the Civil Wars was the necessity of invoking war in order to preserve the peace.(27) In fact, all through the turbulent years 193-197 the coin types are crafted to put only the most positive spin on the wars of succession. At the mint of Rome, SAEC.FRVGIF.COS.(28) signals the "plentiful age" and assures the public of a good food supply (Septimius almost immediately--c. July, 193-- sends troops to Africa from just such a concern.); he ushers in "happy times" (FELICIT TEMPOR)(29); SECVRITAS PVBLICA(30) promises "security to the people." The eastern mints strike coins with the reverse legends BONI EVENTUS("good success"), BONAE SPEI("good hope"), and INVICTO IMP("Imperial valor").(31) And unlike Niger, who made "Justice" the battle cry of his cause with obverse coin legends like IMP. CAES. C. PESC. NIGER. IVST. AV, Septimius showed his political savvy by styling himself to his troops (and, presumably to the world) as "the avenger of Pertinax,"(32) adding the murdered emperor's name to his : "Imperator Caesar L. Septimius Severus Pertinax Augustus, " the name being present on his obverse coin legends until 198.(See above.) Then, with the Civil Wars over the coinage gives us FUNDATOR PACI ("The Bringer of Peace"), CONCORDIAE MILTVM("The Concord of the Armies"), and MARTI VICTORI("Mars the Victorious")--about the closest thing to a boast of victory Septimius permits himself.(33)
Septimius' extraordinary self-adoption into the family of Marcus (calling himself "The son of Marcus" on a coin of 195,--reverse legend DIVI M. PII. F.P.M. TR. P.COS.IIP.P.S.C.(34)) is perhaps one of the most blatant political moves in imperial history. After calling himself Marcus' son and "Trajan's grandson", Septimius elevated his son Caracalla to the rank of Caesar and named him Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Caesar, which appeared on coins as M.AVR.ANTONINVS CAES (35) with the reverse legend SECVRITAS PERPETVA, assuring anyone listening (especially Albinus, who must have assumed when Septimius offered him the position of Caesar he would be next in line for the throne) that not only was the empire to have "perpetual security", but the new Caesar would be around to guarantee it. This was clearly a calculated move, perhaps to force Albinus' hand. If so, it worked: Albinus, realizing he had to roll the dice, was forced to become the aggressor by crossing into Gaul and proclaiming himself Emperor.(36) Another political advantage of this adoption was acceptance by the senate and the legitimacy it gave the Severan line. After the horrors of Commodus, the senate would be ready for a return to the age of Marcus, many of the senators having been alive and remembering those times warmly. Septimius could do no better than to try and capitalize on this fact and associate himself with that family. (Whether or not he lived up to his new family name is problematic.) One can't help but wonder what the aristocracy made of this sudden adoption. One clue to their attitude might be the famous comment made by Pollienus Auespex, governor of Moesia Inferior. He is said to have greeted the Emperor with the wry comment, "I congratulate you Caesar, upon finding a father."(37)

But whether or not the upper classes took it seriously, Septimius' adoption int